The Hungarian Holocaust, 19 March 1944 – 1 March 1945   1 comment

A Chronicle of Actions by the Hungarian State and its

forces against the Jewish and Roma Citizens of Hungary.

1. Occupation and Collaboration:

After the German occupation of 19 March 1944, the Regent, Miklós Horthy, remained in office, and Hitler’s all-powerful agent in Hungary, Dr. Edmund Veesemayer quickly introduced a system under which the invaders were freed from the tasks of routine administration and policing. German demands were met through the Stójay government, the General Staff of the Hungarian forces and the usual organs of public administration. The Germans were seen as allies rather than conquerors, and an atmosphere of general calm, or paralysis, was maintained.

However, within days, Gestapo agents worked with lists provided by paid informers to round-up Hungarian office-holders considered dangerous to the interests of the Reich. These included civil servants, aristocrats, monarchists, liberals, politicians of the Smallholders and Social Democratic parties and journalists. Refugees from German-occupied Europe were also caught in the net and deported to SS concentration camps. During the weeks following the occupation, more than three thousand Hungarian Jews were taken into custody. The SS Task Force and the police units in Hungary operated under the command of Colonel Hans Ulrich Geschke and one of its operating units was known as the Judenkommando, charged with the responsibility of rounding-up and deporting the Jewish population of Hungary. This had not happened before due to the opposition of the Kállay government, but Adolf Eichmann regarded it as his aim in life to annihilate the Jewish population of Europe, and was determined to resolve the Hungarian Jewish question quickly and radically, without a second Warsaw. At his trial in Israel in 1961, Eichmann said that his detachment in Budapest had been only fifteen or twenty strong. However, he was probably referring only to the senior command, and there were a further eighty to a hundred lower-ranking SS and ancillary personnel. Several hotels were commandeered throughout Budapest and occupied mainly by the Hungarian State Security Police, collaborating with the Gestapo and adopting their methods. Police officers headed by Péter Hain, László Koltay and Ödön Martinides had a Hungarian staff of over two hundred, and there was a further staff under Lieutenant-Colonel László Ferenczy, who acted as liaison officer between the Gendarmerie and the German Nazis. Hain’s squad of detectives set about pillaging the well-to-do, helped by volunteer informers, at first handing over their loot to the Nazis. However, after a few weeks, they began to keep the proceeds for themselves.

2. The Gendarmerie:

The function of the Royal Hungarian Gendarmerie was to provide nation-wide public security and internal services. In Budapest and the provincial towns this responsibility devolved on the local police. The gendarmerie, organised on military lines, functioned in seven regional bodies, or districts. Between 1938 and 1945 these were increased to ten, and after that the force was disbanded. After the German occupation, it was this force which was responsible for the moving of the Jews into transit camps (described as ghettos), for guarding them and deporting them. At the end of the war they were fourteen thousand of them, having been called up to fight the Soviets as the front moved into Budapest.

Within weeks, Eichmann and his staff had absolute and unlimited authority, with the puppet Hungarian government holding its Jewish citizens, as defined under the pre-war racial laws, under complete subjection. There was nowhere that they could hide from the collaborating Hungarian officialdom. Szabolcs Szita has summed up succinctly and effectively the role of the Regent in all this:

It played into Eichmann’s hands… that the first citizen of Hungary, Miklós Horthy, had nothing to say on the subject of the persecutions and deportations. The Regent had been in power for twenty-four years, gave the government a ’free hand’in respect of the Jewish regulations, and in that regard ’did not wish to exercise influence’. The confidence that the Jewish community had in Horthy and in the fruits of historical coexistence was not repaid by the lifting of a single finger.

Not only did Samu Stern and other leaders of the Jewish population trust Horthy to protect them if they kept quiet and did their duty, they also made the fatal mistake of trusting the SD and the Gestapo to keep their promises. Eichmann’s men, small in number, needed the support of the Hungarian government, and they got it. Andor Jaross, the Foreign Minister, László Endre, Secretary of State and László Báky, retired Colonel of gendarmes, all joined them. So did numerous officials, both senior and junior, serving as tools of the occupying power. They issued proclamations, inciting anti-Semitism, as a matter of routine. A extension of the anti-Jewish laws was enacted, and from 29 March a new spate of anti-Jewish regulations were announced. German and Austrian Jews, refugees in Budapest, were the first to realise that genocide would follow shortly, and many committed suicide rather than face what they had once witnessed once more.

The Hungarian Jews, fully assimilated and loyal to the Regent, still hoped that what had happened to Jews elsewhere would not happen to them. They were wrong. Döme Stójay had been an ambassador to Berlin and quickly complied with all the Nazi’s demands. From 5 April the Jews were required to wear the yellow star, but this didn’t alarm the wider Hungarian public who had become accustomed to the legal restriction on their Jewish neighbours and either passively ignored them or accepted them, having swallowed the growing tide of propaganda. In Győr some young people wear yellow flowers in their lapels to show their sympathy. In Apostag gentile girls swapped coats with their Jewish friends to give them a break from the routine beatings carried out by the Hungarian fascist Arrow Cross.

3. Ghettoisation:

From 16 April the Hungarian authorities began to force hundreds of thousands of Jews from all over Hungary into ghettos (since 2004 this has been kept as Holocaust Memorial Day in Hungary). As in Apostag, this was often carried out entirely by the gendarmerie and the Hungarian Army, without the oversight of a single German officer. All persons declared to be Jewish (according to the law this was any person with a Jewish grandparent) had to leave all their properties and move into designated buildings, brick-works, empty factories and warehouses on the outskirts of towns. In these ghettos they were self-governing, though under the orders of the Hungarian gendarmerie, who often beat the men to death in the course of interrogation about hidden property. Midwives in the pay of local authorities were brought in to subject women and girls to humiliating searches.

Where they had warning, individual citizens tried to hide their Jewish friends and neighbours, and there were offers from benevolent strangers. However, it was only those who were already in hiding when the deportations began, or who had already left their villages for Budapest, who could be hidden. The silence maintained by the political and religious leaders meant that not even the local clergy received warnings. The entire Jewish population of Apostag, comprising more than sixty extended families and six hundred people (out of a population of six thousand), who had been in the village since the early eighteenth century, were forced to pack their belongings on carts within an hour and move to Kalocsa. There was no time to hide any of them, or for any of them to escape. When Eichmann then proposed to transport the undesirable element away from the war zone to Germany, government ministers Baky and Jaross were delighted, declaring that he was doing more good for Hungary than all the statesmen of the past two hundred years. In eight weeks from 14 May 147 train-loads totaling 437,402 Hungarian citizens from the provinces and the satellite towns of Budapest were transported to Auschwitz-Birkenau (the number comes from Veesenmayer’s report).The existence and exact nature of the camp was a closely guarded secret of the Reich. Though this may have been known, or guessed at, by some of the Jewish refugees in Budapest who had committed suicide after the initial occupation, it is believable that both the Hungarian victims and perpetrators had only rumours to suspect that behind the official phrase for the deportations, Arbeiter Umsiedlung (relocation of workers), lay something far more sinister. Nevertheless, there were but a handful of protests. Archdeacon Imre Szabó, a Reformed Church pastor in Budapest, wrote prophetically to András Tasnádi Nagy, the Speaker of the National Assembly:

What is happening today is no longer the old Jewish law. In this present event the moral sense of Hungary and her respect for the law are being destroyed, her honour lost in the eyes of mankind.

What was presented before the deportations and ghettoes as a struggle for self-defence in economic and spiritual terms has now, with deportations and ghettoes, become a question of world importance, and the blood of Christ will not wash away the blood of the Jews from our hands. Unite, Hungarians of good will, and turn from this regime, which will leave its name here as a curse.

There is some evidence that the deportation of the Hungarian Jews from Budapest was impeded by measures taken by Regent Horthy, who ordered three thousand gendarmes back to the provinces. However, in the confusion caused by the Allied advance, the deteriorating military situation for the Axis alliance in Romania and the rumours of a putsch against him, Stójay was able to ignore his orders and begin the deportations from the suburbs of the capital. It was Himmler’s intervention in redirecting all remaining military resources and personnel to the Romanian Front which halted the deportation of the 200,000 Jews from Budapest and the death marches of the unarmed forced labour units, which were mainly composed of Jewish men. It was also in this lull in anti-Semitic operations in Hungary, that the name and nature of Auschwitz-Birkenau became known in Budapest. Politicians and church leaders could no longer be in any doubt about what awaited Eichmann’s transportees.

Even so, in the summer of 1944, the Hungarian Foreign Ministry continued to defend its actions on The Jewish Question against the mounting international outcry against the genocide, led by the United States. According to the Hungarian government, the Hungarian nation was defending its own against the greatest danger… a much greater danger than that presented to the white population of the USA by the negroes or the Japanese. As the Soviet army approached the frontiers of Hungary the defeatist propaganda and disruptive activity of the Jews had to be stopped. They had therefore been segregated and set to useful work in Hungary and elsewhere. A large number of Jews had been transferred to Germany as a workforce, as had for years also been the case with Christian Hungarians.

4. The Roma:


Perhaps by Christian Hungarians the Stójay government was referring to the treatment of the Roma. In fact, the first Hungarian-speaking people to be deported, first to the ghetto in Lodz in 1939, and then to Auschwitz, were from the Burgenland in Austria. They were separated from their relatives on the Hungarian side of the border, just five kilometres away, near Sopron. The Roma in Hungary itself had been given a separate register in August 1940, on which 2,475 names were recorded. In July 1941, a Bill banning interbreeding between Hungarians and Roma was rejected in the Upper House of Parliament. The following year, the first gipsy ghetto was set up by the Esztergom City Council, which the internees were only allowed to leave for work purposes. In 1944, alongside the anti-Jewish actions, the Roma were also herded into labour camps in several counties, including Szolnok and Bács-Kiskun, which were established on some of the larger farms. In June, those Roma designated as unreliable were moved to special concentration camps within Hungary. These were established near the bigger provincial towns, and the settled Roma communities in Szolnok, Csongrád, Bács-Kiskun, Pest, Heves and Nógrád counties were moved to camps in Szeksárd, Veménd, Pecsvárad, Baja and Nagykáta. In other words, they were deliberately moved from eastern to western Hungary. In August and September, the remaining Roma were subjected to raids on their villages, pressing the men into forced labour companies. The first massacre of gipsies took place on 5 October in Doboz, Békés County, where twenty Roma, including women and children, were killed by hand grenades and machine-guns of the Hungarian first armoured division’s military police, acting together with the local gendarmes. Later that month, the Roma were ordered not to leave their permanent residences.



The first Roma deportations from Hungary began in November, firstly to the border fortress town of Komárom and from there to Germany. The Roma living in or near Pest were gathered together in the gendarmeries and taken to the brick works at Óbuda. From there, on 10 November, they were taken from Budaörs station in cattle trucks to Dachau, and then to Ravensbrück. In the rest of November and December, the Hungarian Nazi Arrow Cross made four further raids on the Roma in the areas they controlled. Those who were declared slackers or vagabonds by the local authorities were interned. Those who were able to work were taken away to a ghetto at Körmend, and from there, three weeks later, to labour camps nearer the borders of the Reich.

5. Red Cross and Arrow Cross:




Meanwhile, the remaining Jewish population of Budapest were living at the same subsistence level as the general population, despite the claims of the political far right that they were having a cushy time. As a result of the persistent removals of rights, men away on compulsory forced labour, and the deaths of many in the process, mass impoverishment and demoralisation were more and more in evidence. Applications to officialdom from widows who had lost husbands went unanswered. Jews’ yellow ration cards were worth less and less inferior food in the shops. The Swedish and Swiss embassies and their diplomats Wallenberg, Anger and Lutz did all they could to ameliorate these conditions and to protect the Jews against recurrent threats of deportation, providing safe houses, exemptions from wearing yellow stars and from forced labour in the army. Of Wallenberg’s Hungarian colleagues several, including Béla Elek, who ran the foreign service, Dr Péter Sugár and István Löwinger lost their lives in tracing and rescuing holders of protective passports who had been arrested. Lászlo Hollós and Ödön Ullman were arrested and murdered as well.




Ferenc Szálasi and his followers came to power on 15 October through the armed intervention of the German military. The remnant of the Hungarian state was wrested from Miklós Horthy and put into the hands of the Arrow Cross Party, the Hungarian fascists for whom terror became their instrument of dictatorship. Horthy and his family were removed to Germany. On 27th the National Council united the functions of the head of state and of government, which was then endorsed by Parliament on 4 November. Szzálasi became head of the Hungarista Workers’ State. He had promised Hitler to throw the nation into total war, but the resulting turmoil merely caused breakdown in the army, the police and public administration. This left the Arrow Cross Party free to operate at will, proclaiming itself as the will of the nation. Many joined it as the only legal party, offering its members armed authority and protection. Its ranks were swollen by elements of the criminal underworld who recognised the chance for unrestrained daylight robbery. Even Wallenberg’s bold staff were forced into hiding, though he managed to reach an agreement with the new regime’s Foreign Minister, Baron Gábor Kemény, that the staff of the Royal Swedish Embassy would continue to have exceptional treatment, exempting them from forced labour, wearing the star and living in starred housing, and from curfew. It gave hope to several hundred people and gave Wallenberg the room to prevent the complete destruction of the Budapest Jews. However, the Szálasi government quickly realised its mistake, and drastically reduced the scope of the exemption by the end of October.

6. The Terror and the Death Marches:




In the  early morning of 28 October Archdeacon Ferenc Kálló was one of the first prominent church leaders to be murdered in the streets by the Arrow Cross. The Lutheran minister Mátyás Varsányi of Buda, who gave much help to evicted Jews and occupants of starred houses, was also shot in the street. Klára Tüdös recollected how dreadful rumours circulated about Jews interned at brick-works and cattle-trucks with barbed wire on them, and as dawn broke processions of people wearing stars would set off in the streets of Pest. People were lined up in the streets, marched off, ceaselessly shouted at, trudging off to Óbuda in broad daylight.

In November the Arrow Cross began mass murders of Jewish men who had been sent to forced labour in camps surrounding the city, on the roads leading to them. Women and girls who were assembled were robbed, beaten and kicked. In his confidential two-page report of 11 November, the Red Cross delegate reported to Geneva that the Óbuda brick-works was, in effect, a concentration camp. The conditions beggared description. He found a crowd of five or six thousand starving Jewish prisoners in the open works yard, soaked to the skin and frozen to the marrow, in a totally and desperate condition. Some that had committed suicide lay on the ground.

In Pest, the Arrow Cross carried out group executions on the Danube embankment in the night. These incidents of slaughter of Jews occurred from October to the end of November, when they became nightly occurrences, in party houses, in the streets and the squares, occasionally in hospitals and flats, as well as on the side of the river. The embankment shootings carried on into the bitter winter. On 27 December, Sára Salkaházi, a member of the Sisters of Social Service, was shot into the Danube together with the three Jews she was found protecting, and the religious education teacher, Vilma Bernovits. Even those in the Swedish protected houses did not escape this form of terror. In an Arrow Cross raid on 30 December all the occupants of one of these apartment houses, some 170 people, including children, were ordered out into the street, forced to strip and then shot in groups into the Danube. Wallenberg was informed, and arrived to stop the killings. During the day the trams ran, cinemas and places of entertainment opened and sporting events were reported in the papers, while in the public places bloodied, half-naked corpses could be seen and people were hanged with abusive placards round their necks. Serial murders of a comparable sort, committed by Hungarians on Hungarians, were unknown even in the 1956 Uprising. A cautious estimate is that up to four thousand people were shot into the Danube.

On 13 November, Veesenmayer reported to Berlin that around 27,000 Jews of both sexes, capable of walking and fit for work, had left the city on foot. He reckoned to be able to hand over a further forty thousand and would send them off in daily batches of two to four thousand. After that, it was estimated that a further 120,000 would be left in Budapest, and that their fate would be dependent on the availability of transport. Four days later, the Papal Nuncio protested about these death marches to Szálasi, who denied the atrocities, but promised to look into them. On 20 November, he stopped the deportation of women on foot. However, a group of displaced woman were already being led towards the Hungarian border with the Reich at Hegyeshalom, together with a group of Jewish military labourers. Raoul Wallenberg and Per Anger  prepared a memorandum for Baron Kemény, the Foreign Minister, on their visit to the this forced march on the Budapest-Hegyeshalom road on 23/24 November. They gave an objective yet shocking description of exhausted people reduced almost to a line of animals. When the Swedish Commission tried to distribute some of its own provision among them the crowd simply laid siege to them and fought just to get at the little packets of sandwiches. After that, the Embassy was repeatedly denied permission to send lorries to feed the people.




Wallenberg’s motorised life-saving was mentioned in the trial of Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1961. The Swedish diplomats’ relief efforts had seriously irritated the SS commander, who had planned and organised the march. I’ll kill Wallenberg, this dog of the Jews, he was reported to have exclaimed, and had got the Foreign Ministry in Berlin to declare that the Swedish Embassy’s intervention in Jewish affairs is in all respects unlawful. Captain Gábor Alapy and Dr Iván Székely also performed very risky life-saving work. They helped to return groups of men with Swedish papers to Budapest, both from the marches and from distant workplaces and camps. However, sending back deportees unescorted was sometimes futile. Ferenc Weiss, who had been arrested in hiding, suffered imprisonment in the Csillag fortress at Komárom with a group of two hundred other Jews. Its members had been rescued by means of letters of protection from the Hegyeshalom road, but were then re-arrested by the Arrow Cross on their way back to Budapest. They were then sent by train to Dachau on 28 November.

At dawn on the same day, Hungarian military police with bayonets fixed appeared at the Jewish forced labourers’ barracks in Budapest and replaced the companies’ commanders. The MPs then escorted the companies of forced labourers, mostly two hundred strong, to be handed over to the SS at Ferencváros station. Raoul Wallenberg found out about this unexpected event, followed in his car and struggled all day to save those under Swedish protection. In total, over four hundred were saved from deportation. However, Wallenberg’s action were reported to the SD, and Theodor Dannecker, a fanatical member of Eichmann’s staff, threatened to have him killed. Meanwhile, the Arrow Cross continued their underground reign of terror. That same night, they hung the bodies of ten Jews who had been shot after interrogation under torture in the party house cellar, head downwards on the fence of the convent which had been hiding a dozen Jews and which had been recently visited by the Arrow Cross and subsequently by Wallenberg, saving its residents. At their trial twelve years later the armed party servicemen admitted to between a thousand and twelve hundred murders.

The Cardinal Primate of Hungary, Archbishop Serédi of Esztergom, a member of the upper house of parliament, repeatedly protested to Szálasi about the terror and the constant acts of cruelty. On 1 December he raised his objection to the taking of hostages and to the atrocities on Jewish citizens. His intervention was futile. While the violence raged unchecked, Gábor Vajna, Minister for the Interior, called on Himmler in Berlin on 10 December. Himmler urged him on to even harsher measures. Vajna gave a detailed account of the solution to the Jewish question in Hungary. He drew up a list of the remaining Jews. According to this there were:

Approximately 120,000 Jews in the (central) ghetto.

18,000 in the foreign ghetto.

There were still protected Jews,…

Jews in hiding in the provinces, number unknown.

Jews granted exemption, approximately 1,000.

Half- and quarter- Jews, numbers unknown.

Seventy-eight Jewish labour companies, each 200 strong, were on their way to the Reich.

The Szálasi government was, Vajna confirmed, working towards the total removal of Jews from Hungary. At his trial, Vajna lied that, in Berlin, he had discussed the transportation of Jews with letters of protection to Sweden and Switzerland. He tried to claim that the Hungarian Jews could be grateful that he would not let the Germans take them out of the country. By this stage, protection from the Swedish Embassy was, in any case, little more than a thread of hope. The protected houses provided only a relatively safe refuge, depending largely on the movements and whims of the Arrow Cross. Back in Budapest on 10 December, Szálasi ordered certain streets in Budapest to be designated as a Jewish ghetto. This quarter, marked off by wooden barricades, covered less than a third of a square kilometre of the two hundred covered by the capital. Its gates were guarded by uniformed police and armed Arrow Cross. Until it was liberated by Soviet troops on 18 January 1945, this small area housed the remaining Jews in 243 apartment blocks, many crammed together in cellars and wood-stores. On 8 January, they numbered just under 63,000, about a tenth of whom were children.

The whereabouts of the children of the Swedish Red Cross home and its official, Ferenc Schiller, were what concerned Wallenberg and Anger as they set off by car at mid-day on 23rd, with Vilmos Langfelder, the Swedish-protected engineer. The following day there was an Arrow Cross raid on the Swedish mission. The same day, a Sunday, they also attacked the Jewish boys and girls orphanage, the children’s refuge. The International Red Cross and the sign indicating protection meant nothing to them. They plundered it on the pretext of an identity check. Several, including children, were shot on the spot by way of intimidation. The desperate Jewish manager ran down the road with a Christmas tree on his shoulder, in order to inform Wallenberg. Some of the children who had been turned out of the orphanage were shot by the Arrow Cross the next day on the Danube embankment. By now they were having to conserve ammunition, and so they stood several children one behind the other and butchered them in that way. Several of them who were not hit or who jumped into the river before being shot, swam down to the bank by the Houses of Parliament and survived to tell the tale. On Christmas Eve, 1944, the Hungarian capital was completely surrounded by Soviet forces. On Christmas Day, the Arrow Cross in Buda attacked the Finnish and Swedish embassies. They were accompanied by a mob who robbed and destroyed the properties. On the 28th, one of the German embassy staff who had been sent to Szombathely telegraphed Berlin with an account of the capture of the Danube bend at Esztergom by the Red Army, and of the encirclement of the capital.

7. The Final Horrors:

With the encirclement, the Arrow Cross became even more terroristic in their methods. On New Year’s Day they attacked the homes of the Swedish embassy staff, including that of the Langfelder-Simon family. A week later, they attacked another of the safe houses, paying no attention to its status. They clearly meant to force the Swedish activists out of Budapest. In the raid some two hundred people were forced out onto the street. The women and children were escorted to the ghetto and crammed into an apartment house. Some of the men were tortured and shot on the way in the streets and squares or on the Danube embankment. The Arrow Cross also attacked the Swedish embassy’s offices in Pest. On 13 January the front line reached the middle of Andrássy út and the parallel boulevard into the city, Benczúr utca. Three days later the quarter where the protected houses were located was liberated, and on 18 January the Soviet forces reached the Károly körut at the end of the central ghetto. They demolished the wooden gates and the palisades in several places. Outside the Dohány utca synagogue, heaps of corpses lay in the street, frozen hard. Burials began at once in the synagogue gardens, where the victims lie to this day:

A total of 2,281 bodies were buried in twenty-four common graves; forty-five had been shot – twenty-four women and twenty-one men. The great majority had been dead for weeks and very many were totally naked, so that a very large number were unidentifiable… A large proportion of the dead were elderly… Lack of vehicles made the burial more difficult, as did the frozen ground and the horror and revulsion of the people.

With Raoul Wallenberg’s departure for Debrecen two days earlier, the Swedish humanitarian action was considered finished. Four thousand had been provided with Swedish documents, the number of Hungarian colleagues stood at two hundred, with a further four hundred family. Two and a half thousand people had been supplied with Swedish Red Cross letters of protection. On 27 January, the executive committee of the Swedish humanitarian action declared that persons of Jewish origin were no longer at risk, but were citizens with full rights. By 9 February there were two to three thousand police officers already in a prison camp at Gödöllő. Many of these, the first to report for duty, were, ironically, among the most anti-German, but they were interrogated for days about matters of which they knew little or nothing.

However, it was not until 13 February that the siege finally ended, the Szálasi government persisting to the end in its alignment with Hitler, leading to the downfall and devastation of Hungary. Only a single, spontaneously rallied outfit, the Buda Voluntary Regiment, could be observed taking part on the anti-Nazi side in the final battles for Budapest.


At the beginning of February, the Interior Ministry had ordered the collection of and internment of Romani families. In the village of Keléd the gendarmerie created a transit camp, using the coffee factory at Nagykanizsa. Another transit camp for the Roma from Zala was created near the Croatian villages of Draskovecz and Csáktornya. With the military front now approaching, many of the interned Roma were exterminated. Some were sent home, but others were taken to the internment camp at Kőszeg and from there, together with the Roma from Vas County, they were deported to concentration camps in Germany. On 23 February, Vajna declared:

I have started the full and, if needed, severe settlement of the Jew and the Gypsy problems.

Besides taking them to the internment and concentration camps, the gendarmes killed many of the Roma in their own homes. This went on well into February and at the end of the month about a hundred and fifty were shot dead by the Arrow Cross near Válpalota, a hundred and fifteen in a single mass execution in the nearby wood.


The number of Jewish victims of the Hungarian Holocaust has been well-documented. The number of Roma victims is not so well-known. In the 1950s, the total number across Europe was estimated at fifty thousand. In the 1970s this was revised to 28,000 as an official statistic. László Karsai’s work, published in 1992, estimated that there were five thousand Roma victims from Hungary itself, but he also stated that the records were imperfect and that the Gypsies from the Reich lands, including the Hungarian-speakers from Burgenland had not been processed.

8. Sources:

005 (2)

Szabolcs Szita (2012), The Power of Humanity: Raoul Wallenberg and his Aides in Budapest. Budapest: Corvina.

János Bársony (2001), Roma Holocaust: Recollections of Survivors. Budapest: Roma Sajtóközpont Könyvek.

Andrew J Chandler (2013), As the Earth Remembers Them: Village Voices & The Hungarian Holocaust.            



Posted February 16, 2014 by TeamBritanniaHu in Uncategorized

One response to “The Hungarian Holocaust, 19 March 1944 – 1 March 1945

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  1. Reblogged this on hungarywolf.

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